On Tuesday, March 18, 2025, Nigerians were greeted with an unexpected announcement from the presidency. The nation was put on notice that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—who, by his latest actions, has assumed the posture of a military general rather than a democratic leader—would be making a nationwide broadcast to address the developments in Rivers State.
As the clock struck the designated hour, citizens tuned in, expecting clarity on the ongoing political turmoil in the state. Instead, they were hit with a bombshell. Tinubu has emphatically declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending the duly elected governor, his deputy, and the entire Rivers State House of Assembly, leaving only the judiciary intact.
This move is not just unnecessary but also a direct slap in the face of the Supreme Court, which had already provided a clear resolution to the Rivers political crisis. And, what Tinubu has just done is dismiss the efforts of the panel that worked diligently to deliver the ruling, and greatly undermine their competence.
There is no gainsaying the fact that in every functioning democratic society, the judiciary—especially the Supreme Court—is the final arbiter of disputes. Once the Supreme Court delivers a ruling, that should be the end of the matter.
The crisis in Rivers State had already been adjudicated at the highest court in the land. The Supreme Court, in its wisdom, directed Governor Siminalayi Fubara to return to the status quo, recognize the Amaewhule-led Rivers State House of Assembly, and re-present the budget for approval.
Fubara, showing commitment to the rule of law, obeyed this directive and took practical steps to implement it. However, instead of reciprocating, the Rivers Assembly refused to grant him entrance to present the budget which they (House of Assembly) demanded with an attached ultimatum. And, when he wrote to them again for a presentation date, their only response was a notice of gross misconduct to inform him of the beginning of impeachment proceedings against him. How, then, can anyone in good conscience claim that Fubara is responsible for the breakdown of governance in Rivers State? It is crystal clear that the refusal to adhere to the Supreme Court’s ruling lies squarely with the Assembly, not Fubara.
Tinubu, in a television broadcast, said he had received security reports in the last two days of “disturbing incidents of vandalization of pipelines by some militants without the governor taking any action to curtail them.” However, this justification has since been exposed as false. The company operating the pipeline denied any blast or attack on its facility, confirming that operations were never disrupted. Reports further confirmed that the pipeline was functioning before, during, and after the Supreme Court ruling. Yet, Tinubu went ahead to declare a state of emergency on a fabricated premise. This raises an important question that was the alleged pipeline attack a fabricated excuse to declare the emergency rule in order to capture the oil rich state?
The Nigerian Constitution clearly outlines the specific conditions under which a state of emergency can be declared. Such a measure is meant to address extreme situations like: Natural disasters; civil unrest; armed conflict; medical pandemics or epidemics; and other biosecurity risks. None of these conditions were met in Rivers State. Legal experts, including the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), have confirmed that the crisis in Rivers does not warrant emergency rule. The logical conclusion, therefore, is that this declaration is politically motivated as one designed to achieve ulterior motives rather than restore order.
The National Assembly yesterday moved for mediation in the Rivers crisis. The question is, hasn’t Fubara already initiated dialogue in obedience to the Supreme Court ruling even before the declaration of emergency rule? Perhaps the National Assembly is chasing shadows, failing to realize that the Rivers Assembly, which refused to cooperate, is the party that truly needs to engage in dialogue. The Rivers Assembly, not Fubara, has consistently rejected peaceful resolution. Their support for the state of emergency—which affected them as well—resembles the biblical story of the woman who, after losing her child, asked King Solomon to cut the surviving child into two so that no one else could have it. This is not about governance; this is about vengeance. I don’t believe dialogue was ever the real goal. If it was, why suspend the governor? Dialogue can indeed take place without subverting democracy.
Some of Tinubu’s online defenders continue to argue that he “saved” Fubara from impeachment by suspending the Rivers State House of Assembly. But this is a shallow and undemocratic argument. If Fubara had truly committed impeachable offenses, he should have been allowed to face due process, as prescribed by the Constitution because democracy is essentially about process. Even legal experts, including the NBA, also insist that Fubara should have been allowed to face impeachment proceedings in line with democratic principles, rather than have his mandate forcefully taken away through an emergency decree.
Another argument being presented by Tinubu’s loyalists to justify the emergency rule is that Fubara has failed to manage security in Rivers State. But who truly controls national security if not the President? Even Tinubu himself admitted this unassailable truth when, as Lagos State governor, former President Olusegun Obasanjo attempted to blame him for insecurity in Lagos. Tinubu rightly pointed out that the President, who controls the police, military, and intelligence agencies, is ultimately responsible for national security. Yet today, Tinubu is blaming Fubara for security challenges that he himself, as Commander-in-Chief, has failed to address. This is blatant hypocrisy. In fact, if insecurity were truly the issue, why not declare an emergency in Kaduna, Zamfara, Plateau and other insecurity hotspots where bandits and terrorists operate openly?
Tinubu’s reckless action only raises an ominous question that will he now make it a habit to override Supreme Court judgments by imposing a state of emergency whenever a ruling does not favour him or his political allies? One can only hope he doesn’t, else, no state is safe from arbitrary federal takeovers. Unfortunately, the National Assembly, by approving this state of emergency, has legitimized an illegal act by giving Tinubu the green light to override court judgments through executive fiat. Today, it is Rivers State. Tomorrow, it could be any other state that does not align with the President’s political agenda.
From all indications, it is an established truth that the state of emergency in Rivers is not about peace or security—it is about power. The Supreme Court has spoken. That should be the final word. If the General cannot respect that with another speed-of-light proclamation of emergency rule, Nigeria is, indeed, in for a long and troubling era of executive lawlessness.
But as it stands, there is no reversing the approval of the state of emergency. The National Assembly has ensured that Rivers is now under federal control. The implications of this move should deeply concern every Nigerian who believes in democracy. Reason is, history has shown that when a leader oversteps constitutional boundaries once, it is only a matter of time before they do it again. Now, what assurance do Nigerians have that future Presidents will not weaponize emergency powers to achieve political goals? If we allow this misuse of emergency powers to go unchecked, we are normalizing dictatorship under the guise of law and order.
Fortunately, history is watching. Every senator and representative who approved this decision should remember that democracy is bigger than any political agenda. It is bigger than Tinubu, Fubara, Wike, or any group of lawmakers. It is about the Nigerian people and their right to good governance. The General should also remember that power is transient, but legacies last forever. The legacy he has just set with this development is one that is completely unnecessary and a slap on the Supreme Court.